By Karen Barkey
Why did the most problem to the Ottoman nation come no longer in peasant or elite rebellions, yet in endemic banditry? Karen Barkey indicates how Turkish ideas of incorporating peasants and rotating elites stored either teams depending on the country, not able and unwilling to insurgent. Bandits, previously mercenary squaddies, weren't drawn to uprising yet targeting attempting to achieve country assets, extra as rogue consumers than as primitive rebels. The state's skill to manage and control bandits - via offers, deals, and patronage - indicates imperial energy instead of weak point, she keeps. Bandits and Bureaucrats information, in a wealthy, archivally established research, state-society family within the Ottoman Empire throughout the 16th and 17th centuries. Exploring present eurocentric theories of nation development, the writer illuminates a interval in general mischaracterized as one during which the country declined in strength. Outlining the tactics of imperial rule, Barkey relates the state's political and army associations to their social foundations. She compares the Ottoman path with nation centralization within the chinese language and Russian empires, and contrasts stories of uprising in France through the comparable interval. Bandits and Bureaucrats hence develops a theoretical interpretation of imperial kingdom centralization, via incorporation and bargaining with social teams, and whilst enriches our knowing of the dynamics of Ottoman background.
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Extra resources for Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization
Religious symbols had been manipulated with skill and made the pretext for attacking and overthrowing the ‘godless, atheistic’ Unionists with the purpose of restoring authority in the hands of the sultan once more. This was not the last time that Islam was used for political ends. But people were also becoming aware of the need to remove religion from politics and the ‘31st of March Incident’ has become a potent reminder of how religion can be exploited for political ends. The antiUnionists were so determined to oust the Committee that they even organised the massacre of Armenians in the town of Adana, in southeastern Anatolia.
Despite 30 years of despotism, Abdülhamid had managed to retain the aura of a benevolent ruler who had bestowed a constitution upon his people when the time was ripe. The Young Turks expected him to fight to retain his power and they knew that he had the charisma of the sultan-caliph to do so. The high bureaucrats, the pashas of the Sublime Porte, who had risen to power during the Tanzimat period (1839–1876) only to be overshadowed by the Palace until 1908, were convinced that they alone were capable of making the constitutional regime work.
They all relied on the Great Powers—Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy—to prevent that since they knew that the Powers were themselves loath to see a Turkish revival which challenged their hegemony in the region. The Great Powers were indeed alarmed by the political revolution in Istanbul. They had had contempt for Hamidian autocracy but it had been predictable and therefore easy to manage. The new regime was totally unpredictable. While all efforts were made to conciliate the Powers, the Young Turks expected to regain sovereignty and abolish the capitulations, the unequal treaties which gave Europeans privileges in the empire at the expense of Ottoman sovereign rights.
Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization by Karen Barkey
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